lunedì 28 dicembre 2020

New publications by our member, writer Genni Gunn "Birth Stones"

 

Birth Stones

BIRTH STONES

Genni Gunn

“…to this shadowy land, that knows neither sin nor redemption from sin, where evil is not moral but is only the pain residing forever in earthly things, Christ did not come. Christ stopped at Eboli.”

Carlo Levi

So begins Carlo Levi’s recounting of his one year in political exile in Basilicata in 1935, under the Fascists, who exiled their opponents to southern Italy as if it were a kind of Siberia. Levi’s memoir, published in 1945, aimed a spotlight at the desperate poverty of the region and its people who had been largely forgotten and ignored by the Italian government, and who it appeared, had been forsaken by Christ himself. I had read Levi’s vivid memoir some years before, and was intrigued by his interpretation of a lawless, pagan land, suffused with superstitions, and steeped in decay. It reminded me of stories I’d heard in the small town where I lived as a child in nearby Puglia, a region I’ve returned to year after year. On this occasion, having visited my aunt who no longer recognizes me, and feeling nostalgic for that distant world of Levi’s, for a place where lineage extended beyond human settlements, a place where I could trace myself back to a source, I decide to drive the two hours to nearby Basilicata and visit Levi’s Matera – a small subterranean city carved into the flanks of a canyon whose historical Sassi districts date to prehistoric times, and are now a UNESCO Heritage site.

On a deserted secondary road, a tropical storm blackens the sky, and a sudden deluge blurs the windshield. Driving feels both dangerous and metaphorical, as if nature were trying to blur my vision, to alter my perception. Black asphalt glistens through a dense scrubland of holm oaks, sage, juniper, buckthorn, and myrtle. It’s easy to imagine gangsters, desperados hiding among the brush of this macchia Mediterranea. This is the south of Italy, the Italy depicted in a multitude of gangster films, where Mafiosi flee into this terrain and are never found. In Italian, “darsi alla macchia” means “to become a fugitive.”

Soon, I reach the Murgia Materana – a large plateau of brush and stones, pocked with the black maws of prehistoric caves. Beyond it, across the canyon, Matera is burrowed out of the sides of two ravines that plunge into a gully, where a quaggy stream meanders across stones.  “I could see a white church, Santa Maria de Idris, which looked half-sunk in the ground, writes Levi. “The two funnels … were like a schoolboy’s idea of Dante’s Inferno.”

Dante’s Inferno. Even hell we imagine as a cave in the earth. I circle down into the town on a narrow cobble-stone lane to the edge of the ravine, where in one spot, the lane widens to a small parking lot. The hotels are a series of renovated caves with new facades, of spacious rooms with curved ceilings and sand-coloured walls – all inaccessible except by climbing steep stairways. I drag my suitcase up the hill to the Caveoso Hotel, to my room, which has a balcony overlooking the half-sunk church. By the time I unpack, it’s 4:30 in a stifling 29 degrees, sun blazing on stone.

At 5:00 I’m waiting in the lobby, looking at a map of the Sassi – literally the Stones, as the district of caves hollowed out of the ravine is called, when my guide Liborio Nicoletti arrives. He’s of an undecipherable age, somewhere between fifty and seventy, a spry small man with intense eyes. He is a native of Matera, and lived in the Sassi until he was five years old.

 I ask him to show me on the map where we’ll be going.

            “I will show you the soul of the Sassi!” he says, dramatically, dismissing my map.

I fold it, delighted. The soul of the Sassi. And so our journey begins in Sasso Caveoso – with its eerie, abandoned caves of bleached stone, where the poorest inhabitants once lived.

Matera is an example of one of the oldest living cities, and one in which nature and culture are harmonious. People have lived here continuously since prehistoric times, and they have adapted to the landscape. Nicoletti waves his arm to encompass the ravine and valley, the plateau across from us honeycombed by the black mouths of caves. “Where else would you find people living in the houses their ancestors built 8000 years ago?”

Eight thousand years. Here in Italy, my parents never had a house; we never lived together as a family until we left for Canada. And even there, we moved indiscriminately through houses, neighbourhoods, cities, provinces every three or four years, a habit I inherited, this longing for renewal, completely unattached to physical structures. How would an anthropologist follow our tracks? They’re hardly deep enough to make impressions. All the places I’ve moved in and out of have become fixed periods in time – the eras of my life, stratifications defined by events, relationships, marriages, divorces, deaths – all abandoned. Perhaps this is why I am compelled to search out peoples whose history is palpable, who can claim heritage thousands of years old. And the Materani are an excellent example of a people who can trace themselves beyond the parameters of any ancestry website, to a prehistoric 500,000-year-old troglodyte settlement on the grey pyramid-shaped plateau facing us, above a yellow burnt slope of stones and stubble. Then, eight thousand years ago, humans moved into those caves, and remained until 3000 BC, when they abandoned the plateau in favour of this ravine whose limestone composition made it easy to carve, acted as a natural fortress, and facilitated the flow of water into cisterns inside the caves. Matera is believed to be among the first human settlements in Italy.

I turn to the carved city, golden in the setting sun. It’s difficult to distinguish chiseled openings from natural ones – man and earth sculpting in harmony. From this vantage, I can imagine Levi’s “closed world, shrouded in black veils, bloody and earthy, that other world where the peasants live and which no one can enter without a magic key,” though Nicoletti is determined to unlock some of the past, which he knows intimately.

In a large cave that has several rooms, he points out the system of water collection into cisterns, the kitchen counter and stove near the entrance, a chimney cut into the ceiling; the washtubs for laundry, and the food trough for the animals who lived at the back of the cave. “It sounds primitive,” he says, “and to our modern standards it is.” He pauses. “But actually the peasants were advanced in their methods. Notice, for example, that no matter where you stand, there is natural light. The peasants knew the angles needed to refract light into the furthest reaches of the cave.” And he is right. It is now twilight, yet we can stand at the back of the cave and still see the scratches on the walls.

For the next hour, we scramble up a small path, and in and out of caverns, the size of which surprises me. Nicoletti points to the high, vaulted ceilings, the pillar supports between the houses, the multitude of steps necessary to climb in and out of the Sassi. And, ever playful, he says we could apply this architecture to the future. “If we were to go to Mars, for example,” he says, “all we would need to take is an axe. With it, we could carve stone, and both dig out a house and build onto it. Inside our house, we could hide from the extreme heat of the sun.”

I wonder how well we’d do, with only an axe, we who are used to power tools and YouTube instruction videos. Could we cut out roads, dig and expand caverns, built facades onto the caves, terrace gardens into the bleached stone? Could we, like the early Materani, carve out a town with rudimentary tools, level by level, in a haphazard Cubist terracing, the cave roofs of one level becoming the road of the caves above, until in places, nine levels are visible – a city built from the bottom up?

Back out in the violet dusk, Matera blends into the landscape. In the distance, the modern city perches at the edge of the craggy mount between the two Sassi districts. And like the earth’s stratification scarred into the face of the ravine, clearly evident is the social stratification: highest is the church, the aristocracy, the wealthy, then more modest homes below, continuing level after level, descending to the poorest caves outside the city walls, where as late as the 1950s, 15,000 Materani lived in caverns, in primitive conditions, sharing their one room homes with dogs, sheep, goats and pigs, as their ancestors had done for millennia.

What will be left of us in North America? We tear down everything and rebuild constantly, as if the past were a Kurt Wenner 3-D installation, fleeting and ephemeral, easily washed away in the rain. Only our photos and written records attest to prior peoples – paper and ink. Here in Matera, an archeological dig near the town centre revealed a historical strata of Christian coffins from 800 A.D., Byzantine columns circa 400 A.D., Greek and Roman coins, shards of ceramics three thousand years old, and in nearby caves, tools dating back to 6000 BC.

Perhaps, cave dwelling is present in our genes, a return to the womb. We may not search out cliffs and caves, but we build them today – high-rises, with penthouses at the top, gardens and balconies terraced into the walls; condo caves whose one large opening at the front does not refract the light into the inner rooms.

“Imagine fifty years ago,” Nicolletti says as we continue along the dirt paths in front of abandoned caves, “women would have been sitting here in front of their doorways, rosaries in hand, small children playing in the dirt; grandmothers knitting or stirring pots.” He paints a romantic portrait, in stark contrast to Levi’s documentation of his sister’s visit to Matera in 1935, where the infant mortality rate was 50%, and children lay under torn blankets, “…in the dark, smelly caves… their teeth chattering from fever. Others, reduced to skin and bones by dysentery… thin women, with dirty, undernourished babies hanging at their flaccid breasts... I felt, under the blinding sun, as if I were in a city stricken by the plague.”

Indeed, after the publication of Levi’s memoir in 1945, the Sassi were pronounced “a national shame” and Matera became the subject of a study by Italian and foreign intellectuals, led by German sociologist Frederic Friedmann, a professor at the University of Arkansas, who had read Levi’s book and had come to Matera. In 1952, in a well-intentioned but ill-conceived government program, the Sassi were emptied, and its 15,000 inhabitants relocated to new housing in the plateau above, leaving an eerie ghost town behind. While this ameliorated the people’s living conditions, it did not take into account their culture and social structures. Suddenly removed from a crowded, close-knit society, the Materani found themselves alone, in claustrophobic boxes, without the support and friendship of neighbours. Suddenly, too, they were viewed by those above as an embarrassment and a disgrace, and many sought to hide the fact that they had come from the ravine below, while the disgrace should have been aimed at those very citizens who lived above, who could have helped but didn’t. Some of the displaced inhabitants never returned to even look at their old cave homes.

Yet Nicoletti, who was five when his family was relocated, speaks of the Materani with fierce pride, accentuating their civility. “Let’s say there were two neighbours, and one had food and the other didn’t.” He points to two caves, separated by a pillar. “When the woman with food cooked, she was aware that her next door neighbour could surely smell it. So, she would prepare an extra dish of food for the poor woman, then send her son to give it to her, saying, ‘My mother is wondering if you could taste this, and tell her whether she has put enough salt in it.’ This way the woman was not humiliated.” He smiles. “Another example of civility,” he says, “is how I ask you, ‘Am I making myself understood? Instead of ‘Do you understand?’ The latter implies that you can’t understand, while the former puts the blame on me.”

Is it sentimental to long for this type of civility? Back home, our rages are posted online, guns and tasers and keyboards drawn – a prolonged ego-fest of public humiliation in our civilized society. However even here in Matera, all civility disappeared when the Sassi became a ghost town.

Even though the Sassi were declared a UNESCO Heritage Site in 1993, for the next ten years they remained dark and abandoned – a haven for the poorest and the homeless, for bandits, drug dealers and prostitutes. “Criminals of all kinds would come and hide here,” Nicoletti says. “If you needed a place to hide, Matera would be it. No one could be found if they didn’t want to be.” Indeed the visible caves now form only 30% of the existing caves – an estimated 3,500 – in a labyrinth landscape of subterranean caverns, intricate passages, connecting tunnels and escape routes.

Nowadays, the habitable Sassi – any that had doors and windows – have been reclaimed and renovated, and have metamorphosed into cave hotels, cave bars, and cave restaurants. The state owns about 70% of the properties, some of which it leases to restaurants and hotels like mine. Nicoletti laments the fact that the historic Sassi is turning into a tourist revisionism of hotels and spas, rather than a living town with butchers and bakers, with bread-makers, with the amenities around which a village revolves. He laments the government’s disinterest in putting money into the restoration of the Sassi, pointing out many caves now little more than black holes filled with garbage.

Yet there is money pouring in from the film industry. It’s not difficult to imagine why eleven major films have been shot here – I feel as if I’ve time-travelled to a distant past, to the Lucania of pre-war Italy in the BAFTA winner Christ Stopped At Eboli by Francesco Rosi (1979), the Jerusalem of the thrice Oscar-nominated Il Vangelo Second Matteo by Pier Paolo Pasolini (1964), Mel Gibson’s The Passion of Christ (2004), and the recent remake of Ben-Hur by Timor Bekmambetov (2016).

By now, the sun has set. We are at the edge of the town, and as we proceed, the abandoned caves become more decrepit, as if a jealous earth has reclaimed them. From this vantage, I look back at the town, which suddenly appears prehistoric, bathed in a disquieting cinereal light, the limestone ravine riddled with black holes, as if it were uninhabited, caves etched only by the dripping of water.

Nicoletti  pulls out his flashlight, and we continue in the semi-dark, climbing now to the higher levels to visit two of the 150 rupestrian churches scattered across the 65 kilometers of ravine.

 “To survive this harsh existence,” he says, “people needed systems of self-defence, which they achieved through religion, neighbourhood and magic. Religion is a system of self-defence.” He leads us past a 6th century necropolis, the graves visible as stone mummies, heads facing the sunrise, then up a multitude of steps and alleyways. It’s dark now, and the Sassi appear like an inverted sky, lights twinkling below. We enter the churches, and view the carved altars and monk-painted frescos through Nicoletti’s flashlight, the images resembling peasants rather than deities.

As we walk back to the Sassi, I imagine the sound of goats and donkeys, the shrieks of children playing on tin-can stilts, the chants of women casting love potions with philters of menstrual blood, while above us, Lesser Kestrels circle and sing their own stories. I bid Nicoletti goodbye and continue down a stairway in the eerie, dim streetlight, the same stairway, where in films, Christ climbs to Calvary. I feel out of place, my eyes deceiving me here in this shadowy land where “Christ did not come,” seduced by the idea of an idyllic past, my roots extending to the beginning of time, my tracks evident in the white stones scattered across the Murgia.

 

Nicoletta Barbarito’s translation of “Birth Stones/Pietre Native”

“In questa terra oscura, senza peccato e senza redenzione, dove il male non è morale, ma è un dolore terrestre, che sta per sempre nelle cose, Cristo non è disceso. Cristo si è fermato a Eboli.”

Pietre natie

Inizia così il racconto di Carlo Levi sull’anno di esilio politico passato in Basilicata nel 1935. durante il Fascismo che mandava i suoi oppositori al confino nell’Italia meridionale quasi fosse una sorta di Siberia. Il memoriale di Levi, pubblicato nel 1945, mirava a mettere in evidenza la disperata miseria della regione e della sua gente che era stata largamente dimenticata e ignorata dal governo italiano e pareva abbandonata perfino da Cristo. Qualche anno prima avevo letto le vivide pagine di Levi e mi aveva intrigato la sua interpretazione di una terra senza legge, pagana, intessuta di superstizioni e immersa nello sfacelo. Mi riportava alla mente storie che avevo sentito nel paese dove avevo vissuto da piccola, nella vicina Puglia, una regione dove poi sono tornata anno dopo anno. In questa occasione, dopo aver fatto visita a mia zia, che ormai non mi riconosce più, e avendo nostalgia di quel lontano mondo di Levi, per un posto dove la stirpe si estendeva ben oltre gli insediamenti umani, un posto dove avrei potuto rintracciare la sorgente delle mie origini, decisi di andare in Basilicata, due ore di macchina, e visitare la Matera di Levi – una piccola città sotterranea scavata nelle pendici di un burrone, con gli antichi Sassi, quartieri preistorici oggi sito storico mondiale dell’UNESCO.

            Su una deserta strada secondaria, una tempesta tropicale scurisce il cielo, e un diluvio improvviso offusca il parabrezza. Guidare mi sembra pericoloso e metaforico, come se la natura stesse cercando di confondermi la vista, di alterare la mia percezione. L’asfalto nero riluce attraverso una macchia di biancospino, salvia, ginepro, rovi e mirto. E’ facile immaginare banditi, desperados nascosti fra i cespugli di questa macchia mediterranea. E’ il meridione d’Italia, l’Italia rappresentata in tanti film di gangster, dove i mafiosi si rifugiano in posti simili e mai più vengono trovati. La frase italiana “darsi alla macchia” significa “fuggire per nascondersi”.

            Ben presto arrivo alla Murgia materana. una larga distesa di macchia e sassi, butterata dalle nere fauci di caverne preistoriche. Più avanti, dall’altra parte del canyon, appare Matera, scavata nei fianchi di due burroni che si tuffano in una gola, dove un rivo fangoso scorre sopra i sassi. “Riuscivo a vedere una chiesa bianca, Santa Maria de Idris, che appariva mezzo infossata nel terreno“, scrive Levi. “I due imbuti…somigliavano all’idea che gli scolaretti si facevano dell’Inferno di Dante.”

            L’Inferno di Dante. Una voragine è esattamente l’idea che abbiamo dell’inferno. Giro intorno alla cittadina e poi ci entro attraverso una viuzza lastricata di pietra fino all’orlo del burrone, dove, a un certo punto, la viuzza si allarga in una piccola area di parcheggio. Gli alberghi sono una serie di grotte restaurate con facciate nuove, ampie stanze con soffitti a volta e pareti color sabbia – tutti inaccessibili se non salendo ripide scale. Trascino la mia valigia sulla salita fino all’Hotel Caveoso, fino alla mia stanza col balcone che dà sulla chiesa semisepolta. Quando ho finito di disfare la valigia sono le 16:30, e il caldo è soffocante, 29°, il sole incendia le pietre.

            Alle 17:00 aspetto nella hall, guardando la piantina dei Sassi, così si chiama il quartiere di grotte scavate nel burrone, quando arriva Liborio Nicoletti, la mia guida. Di età indecifrabile, fra i cinquanta e i settanta, un ometto vispo dagli occhi intensi. E’ nato a Matera e ha abitato nei Sassi fino all’età di 5 anni.

            Gli chiedo d’indicarmi sulla piantina il giro che faremo.

            “Le mostrerò l’anima dei Sassi!”, dice, in tono drammatico, mettendo via la mia piantina.

            Io la ripiego, felicissima. L’anima dei Sassi. E così comincia il nostro viaggio nel Sasso caveoso – con quelle strane e misteriose grotte ormai deserte, di pietra scolorita, dove un tempo viveva la povera gente del luogo.

            Matera è un esempio di una delle più antiche città viventi, dove cultura e natura convivono in armonia. Qui la gente ha vissuto ininterrottamente fin dall’epoca preistorica, e si è adattata al paesaggio. Col braccio teso Nicoletti indica il burrone e la valle, l’altopiano di fronte a noi è bucherellato come un alveare dalle bocche nere delle grotte. “In quale altro posto potrebbe mai trovare gente che abita in case costruite dai loro antenati 8000 anni fa?”

 

Ottomila anni fa. Qui in Italia, i miei genitori non ebbero mai una casa; prima di partire per il Canada non avevamo mai vissuto insieme come una famiglia. E perfino là, ogni tre o quattro anni ci spostavamo indiscriminatamente in case, quartieri, città, provincie, un’abitudine che ho ereditato, questo desiderio di rinnovamento, totalmente separato da qualsiasi struttura materiale. Come farebbe un antropologo a seguire le nostre tracce? Non sono abbastanza profonde da lasciare segni. Tutti i posti che ho abitato e lasciato sono diventati periodi fissi nel tempo – ere della mia vita, stratificazioni definite da eventi, relazioni, matrimoni, divorzi, decessi – tutti abbandonati. Forse è per questo che sento l’obbligo di ricercare persone che hanno una storia palpabile, che possono collegarsi ad antenati vissuti migliaia di anni prima. E i Materani sono un ottimo esempio di un popolo che si collega ben al di là dei parametri di un qualsiasi sito web di genealogia, ad un nucleo di trogloditi di 500.000 anni fa, che vivevano sull’altopiano piramidale di fronte a noi, sopra un pendio color ocra di sassi e stoppie. Successivamente, 8000 anni fa, alcuni esseri umani si rifugiarono in quelle grotte, e ci rimasero fino al 3000 a,C. quando abbandonarono l’altopiano a favore del burrone di pietra calcarea facile da scavare che servì loro da fortezza naturale, e facilitò il flusso dell’acqua nelle cisterne all’interno delle grotte. Si ritiene che Matera sia una dei primi insediamenti umani in Italia.

Mi volto verso la città scavata nella roccia, dorata nel tramonto. E’ difficile distinguere le aperture fatte con l’ascia da quelle naturali – l’uomo e la terra che scolpiscono in armonia. Da questo punto, riesco a immaginare quanto descritto da Levi ”un mondo chiuso, avvolto in veli neri, sanguinoso e terrestre, quell’altro mondo dove vivono i contadini e dove nessuno può entrare senza una chiave magica,” benché Nicoletti sia determinato ad aprire parte di quel mondo, che conosce intimamente.

In una vasta grotta fatta di varie stanze, mi mostra il sistema di raccolta dell’acqua nelle cisterne, il piano di lavoro e i fornelli vicino all’entrata, il vano del camino scavato attraverso il soffitto; le tinozze per il bucato, e il truogolo per gli animali che vivevano sul fondo della grotta. “Sembra primitivo,”, dice, “e lo è, a paragone del modo di vivere di oggi.” Fa una pausa. “Ma in realtà quei contadini avevano fatto progressi nel loro modo di costruire. Noti, per esempio, che c’è sempre luce naturale, da qualunque parte si stia. Sapevano che gli angoli servono per rifrangere la luce nei più remoti recessi della grotta”. E ha ragione. Adesso è il crepuscolo, noi stiamo in fondo alla grotta eppure riusciamo ancora a vedere i segni tracciati sulle pareti.

            Dopo, per un’ora, ci avventuriamo su una viuzza e all’interno e all’esterno di grotte, le cui dimensioni mi sorprendono. Nicoletti mi fa notare alti soffitti a volta, i pilastri di sostegno fra una casa e l’altra, il gran numero di passi necessari per salire e scendere dai Sassi. E, sempre spiritoso, dice che nel futuro

potremmo utilizzare tale stile di architettura. “Se andassimo su Marte, per esempio,” dice, “ un’ascia sarebbe tutto quello che ci dovremmo portare. Con l’ascia, potremmo tagliare la pietra, scavare una casa nella pietra oppure costruircene una sopra. Dentro la casa, ci proteggeremmo dal calore forte del sole.”

            Mi chiedo come ci riusciremmo, con un’ascia soltanto, noi che siamo abituati ad usare arnesi elettrici e a guardare le istruzioni sui video di YouTube. Saremmo in grado di aprire strade, scavare ed ampliare grotte, e su quelle grotte costruire facciate, e giardini terrazzati sulla pietra scolorita dal sole? Saremmo capaci, come quei Materani primitivi, di scavare una città con strumenti rudimentarii, un livello dopo l’altro, in un casuale terrazzamento cubista, i tetti di un livello che diventano strada per le grotte di sopra, in certi posti i livelli visibili sono addirittura nove -, una città costruita dal basso verso l’alto?

            Al ritorno, nel crepuscolo violetto, Matera si confonde col paesaggio circostante. A distanza, la città moderna s’inerpica sul pietroso pendio scosceso fra i due quartieri dei Sassi. E al pari della stratificazione che sfregia la parete interna del burrone, la stratificazione sociale è chiaramente evidente: in cima la chiesa, l’aristocrazia, i benestanti, al di sotto le case più modeste, poi continuando giù un livello dopo l’altro, fino alle grotte più povere oltre le mura della città, dove fino agli anni 1950, abitavano 15.000 Materani, in condizioni primitive, condividendo un unico spazio con cani, pecore, capre e maiali, come per millenni avevano fatto i loro antenati.

            Che cosa resterà di noi in Nord America? Buttiamo giù tutto e ricostruiamo senza sosta, come se il passato fosse un’installazione 3D di Kurt Wenner, temporanea ed effimera, facilmente lavata via dalla pioggia. Soltanto le nostre foto e le nostre carte scritte testimoniano le vite precedenti - carta e inchiostro. Qui a Matera, uno scavo archeologico adiacente al centro città ha portato alla luce antichi strati di tombe cristiane dell’anno 800 d.C., colonne bizantine circa del 400 d.C., monete greche e romane, cocci di ceramica vecchi di 3000 anni, e all’interno di caverne adiacenti, arnesi che datano fino a 6000 anni prima a.C.

            Forse vivere nelle caverne è insito nei nostri geni, un ritorno nel grembo materno. Anche se oggi non cerchiamo nè scopriamo dirupi e grotte, ne costruiamo – palazzi altissimi, sovrastati da attici, giardini e terrazze a gradini sulle facciate; appartamentini seminterrati come grotte con un’unica porta su strada che non rifrange la luce nelle stanze all’interno.

            “Immagini cinquant’anni fa,” dice Nicoletti mentre continuiamo a percorrere i sentieri di terra battuta davanti a grotte abbandonate, “donne sedute davanti alle porte di casa loro, con il rosario in mano, bambini piccoli che giocano sulla terra battuta; nonne che lavorano a maglia o girano il mestolo nelle pentole sul fuoco.” Traccia una scena romantica, in crudo contrasto con quanto documentato da Levi durante la visita di sua sorella a Matera nel 1935, quando la mortalità infantile era del 50% e i bambini giacevano sotto coperte stracciate, “in grotte buie e puzzolenti…battevano i denti per la febbre. Altri, ridotti pelle e ossa dalla dissenteria…donne smagrite, con bambinetti sporchi e malnutriti attaccati alle loro flaccide mammelle…Mi sentivo, sotto il sole accecante, come se fossi entrato in una città colpita dalla peste.”

            Infatti, dopo la pubblicazione del memoriale di Levi nel 1945, i Sassi vennero ufficialmente definiti “una vergogna nazionale” e Matera divenne oggetto di studio da parte di intellettuali italiani e stranieri capeggiati dal sociologo tedesco Frederic Friedmann, professore dell’Università dell’Arkansas, arrivato a Matera dopo aver letto il libro di Levi. Nel 1952, mediante un programma governativo pieno di buone intenzioni ma mal concepito, i Sassi furono svuotati, e i 15.000 abitanti furono ricollocati in case nuove sull’altopiano, lasciando per sempre una misteriosa città fantasma. Improvvisamente allontanati da una società popolosa e intessuta di legami, i Materani si trovarono soli, in claustrofobiche scatole, senza il sostegno e l’amicizia dei vicini. E per giunta, improvvisamente, essi furono visti da quelli di sopra come un che d’imbarazzante, una disgrazia, e molti cercarono di nascondere il fatto di provenire dal burrone sotterraneo, mentre la disgrazia erano coloro che abitavano su in alto, i quali avrebbero potuto aiutare ma non l’avevano fatto. Alcuni degli abitanti delle grotte che erano stati traferiti a forza non tornarono più, nemmeno solo per dare un’occhiata, nelle loro cavernose abitazioni antiche.

            Eppure Nicoletti, che aveva 5 anni quando la sua famiglia fu condotta via, parla con fiero orgoglio dei Materani, mettendo l’accento sulla loro cortesia nei riguardi del prossimo. “Diciamo che c’erano due vicini di casa, e uno aveva da mangiare e l’altro no.” Indica due grotte separate da un pilastro. “Quando la donna che aveva da mangiare cucinava, si rendeva conto che la sua vicina ne avrebbe certamente sentito l’odore. Perciò riempiva di cibo un altro piatto per quella poveretta, poi mandava il figlio a portarglielo e a dire: “Mia madre dice di assaggiarlo per vedere se va bene di sale.” Così la donna non si sentiva umiliata. “Sorride, “Un altro esempio di riguardo, dice, “sta nel come io chiedo, “Mi sono spiegato?“ invece di dire “Capisci?” Questo implica che tu non sei in grado di capire, mentre nel primo caso sono io quello da biasimare”.

            È sentimentale avere gran voglia di questo genere di cortesia verso il prossimo? Da noi, la nostra rabbia viene esibita online, armi e teasers e disegni su keyboards– una prolungata festa egoistica di pubblica umiliazione all’interno della nostra società civilizzata. Tuttavia, anche qui a Matera, ogni cortesia fra vicini scomparve quando i Sassi divennero una città fantasma.

 Anche se nel 1993 i Sassi furono dichiarati Sito Storico dell’Unesco,

per un altro decennio rimasero bui e abbandonati - rifugio di derelitti e sbandati, spacciatori e prostitute. “Malfattori di ogni sorta venivano a nascondersi qui,” dice Nicoletti. “Se c’era bisogno di un nascondiglio, Matera l’offriva. Nessuno veniva scoperto a meno che non volesse farsi trovare.” Infatti, oggi le grotte visibili rappresentano solo il 30% di quelle esistenti – la stima è di 3500 – in un labirintico paesaggio di grotte sotterranee, intricati passaggi, gallerie comunicanti e vie di uscita.

 Oggigiorno, i Sassi abitabili – quelli che avevano porte e finestre – sono stati bonificati e restaurati, e trasformati in alberghi di grotte, bar di grotte e ristoranti di grotte. Lo stato possiede il 70% degli immobili, alcuni dei quali sono affittati a gestori di ristoranti e di alberghi come il mio. Nicoletti lamenta un revisionismo turistico che trasforma gli storici Sassi in alberghi e spa invece di farne una comunità viva con fornai e macellai, e panificatori casalinghi, e tutte le altre comodità necessarie alla vita di un villaggio. Lamenta il disinteresse del Governo a stanziare fondi per il restauro dei Sassi, sottolineando che ormai numerose grotte non sono altro che neri buchi pieni di spazzatura.

            Eppure un gran flusso di denaro arriva dall’industria cinematografica. Non è arduo immaginare per quale ragione undici celebri film siano stati girati qui – mi sembra di aver fatto un viaggio in un tempo lontanissimo, nella Lucania di un’Italia anteguerra con il film di Francesco Rosi Cristo si è fermato a Eboli (1979) vincitore del BAFTA , nella Gerusalemme del Vangelo secondo San Matteo di Pier Paolo Pasolini (11964), tre volte nominato al Premio Oscar, nella Passione di Cristo di Mel Gibson (2004) e il recente remake di Ben Hur di Timor Bekmambetov (2016).

            Adesso il sole è calato. Siamo al limite della città, e man mano che procediamo, le grotte abbandonate diventano più decrepite, come se una terra gelosa ne abbia di nuovo preso possesso. Da questa angolazione volgo ancora lo sguardo alla città che improvvisamente appare preistorica, immersa in un’ inquietante luce cinerea, il burrone calcareo crivellato di buchi neri, come se non fosse mai stata abitato, le grotte scavate soltanto dall’acqua che cola.

Nicoletti tira fuori la torcia, e andiamo avanti nella semioscurità, salendo ai livelli superiori per visitare due delle 150 chiese rupestri sparse attraverso i 65 km di burrone.

            “Per sopravvivere a questa dura esistenza,” dice, “la persone avevano bisogno di un sistema di autodifesa, che raggiungevano mediante la religione, il senso di appartenenza al vicinato, e la magia. La religione è un sistema di autodifesa.” Ci guida al di là di una necropoli del VI secolo, le tombe visibili come mummie di pietra, le teste rivolte verso l’alba, poi su per una moltitudine di gradini e vicoletti. Adesso è buio, e i Sassi sembrano un cielo al contrario, sul fondo scintillano le luci. Entriamo nelle chiese, e alla luce della torcia di Nicoletti, vediamo gli altari scolpiti e gli affreschi dipinti dai monaci, le figure sembrano contadini piuttosto che divinità.

            Mentre ritorniamo verso i Sassi, m’immagino lo scalpiccio di capre e asini, le grida di bambini che giocano a camminare su trampoli di lattine, i canti delle donne che lanciano pozioni d’amore con filtri di sangue mestruale, mentre in cielo alcuni falchetti volteggiano in circolo e cantano le loro storie. Saluto Nicoletti e alla lugubre luce dei lampioni scendo per la scalinata, la stessa che nel film Cristo percorre salendo al Calvario. Mi sento fuor di posto, la vista mi si confonde in questa terra di ombre dove “Cristo non è disceso”, sedotta dall’idea di un passato idillico, le mie radici estese fino all’inizio del tempo, le mie orme visibili sulle pietre bianche sparse attraverso la Murgia.


Permanent Tourists

 



mercoledì 23 dicembre 2020

Moira Mini's translation and text analysis of a poem by Karen Mulhallen

Moira Mini's translation and text analysis of a poem from Karen Mulhallen's collection The Scent of Spring - Elegies out of Season (forthcoming publication in UK)

 

Karen Mulhallen reads “St. John on Patmos”

 

 

Moira Mini reading her translation of Saint John on Patmos by Karen Mulhallen

Ad una prima osservazione St. John on Patmos non sembra quasi una poesia, A parte la scansione in versi non c'è che una rima, nessuna allitterazione, niente figure retoriche se non un gusto per l'elencazione e la ripetizione che è la cifra di questo breve testo.
Ma a ben guardare esiste una rima di altro genere, una rima visiva, si potrebbe definire, e una allegoria fra l'arte dei Bruegel, Pieter, Jan il Vecchio e suo figlio Jan il Giovane, e l'angosciante situazione delle migliaia di profughi  che quasi quotidianamente perdono la vita in mare nel diperato tentativo di raggiungere una costa più accogliene, una vita più dignitosa.
La Poesia è quasi un catalogo dell'albero genealogico dei Bruegel. La voce narrante è quella di Jan il Giovane, nipote di Pieter, ma come in un piano sequenza cinematografico, passa in rassegna, senza stacchi, diverse opere di tutti e tre gli autori, Come gettate in un calderone, emergono una a una da un marasma che ricorda (che rima con) il mare brulicante dei corpi di coloro che non ce l'hanno fatta.
Il titolo stesso rievoca l'Apocalisse. Proprio a Patmos, San giovanni venne deportato sotto Domiziano, per la sua predicazione del cristianesimo, e qui ebbe la visione della  distruzione finale.
Prosegue inseguendo le immagini che si susseguono l'un l'altra, in un gioco di rimandi: “La caduta degli angeli ribelli” di Pieter Bruegel il vecchio diventa “La caduta di Icaro” dello stesso autore, con 'le gambe minuscole che spuntano dal mare'. Da “Il trionfo della morte” prende in prestito 'l'esercito di scheletri', da “La mietitura” i campi d'oro e i ' contadini che riposano sbilenchi'. Karen Mulhallen sembra fare con le immagini quello che William S. Burroughs enunciava, a proposito delle parole,  nella sua teoria del cut up: tagliare fisicamente i testi e ricomporre i segmenti in un testo altro.
La poesia raggiunge il climax citando l'opera che le presta il titolo, “la visione di San Giovanni a Patmos” di Jan Bruegel il Vecchio. In un mare che brulica di barche, mentre le onde si innalzano e la tempesta incalza, un uomo indifferente scrive in una caverna,  e improvvisamente, e violentemente, l'autrice svela il meccanismo della metafora, i corpi in mare hanno un nome e un cognome, sono Alan Kurdi, sono i profughi deceduti nell'Egeo contemporaneo. Qui la poesia diventa incalzante, il ritmo più serrato. La tragedia, annunciata già da alcune suggestioni, l'apocalisse, il trionfo della morte, si svela di fronte agli occhi del lettore e prende il nome dal quadro successivo, “la strage degli innocenti” ancora di Pieter Bruegel, che si dichiara con i suoi 'quattro uomini a cavallo'. In tutto questo l'umanità resta pressoché indifferente come l'uomo che scrive nella caverna.
La poesia si ricompone con immagini meno inquietanti come la donna vestita di sole, rintracciabile forse l'unica opera della voce parlante, Jan il Giovane (Allegoria della primavera), e probabilmente con una “Cerere” di Peter il Vecchio, dove il putto che porta un grappolo d'uva, riecheggia gli aiuti umanitari che tentano di attenuare il disastro portando conforto ai sopravvissuti.

VIII
ST. JOHN ON PATMOS


Pieter Bruegel, landsman, painter,
my grandfather, a legend,
a kind of god, never came to Patmos,
never watched the sea of humanity
bobbing in the lovely, tempestuous Aegean
but I Jan was there.

His world was the land and its richness,
the celebrations of passages,
the seasons, human life,
his angels fell rebellious.

And I think of them,
thrown out of heaven:
Icarus, but it could have been Daedalus,
falling from the sky, those tiny legs
poke from the sea,

as the rest continue their daily rounds.
Skeletons of a defeated army
fill the foreign ground.

Sometimes he enjoyed a late summer day—
his peasants rest askew beneath a tree,
while others harvest a field of gold.

He knew darkness, beauty,
human transience and frailty.

But there’s a man in a cave writing—
looking out over the water—
water turbulent, populated—

boats everywhere rising, sinking,
waves rushing higher, higher,
as more people take to the waves
and the sky changes —dark light —
there are sprays of lightening
the sound of thunder,

but he continues to write in the cave—
you can’t see him, but he’s there:
What does he write with?
What does he write on?
What does he write?

Out there are islands,
too many names to list,
people looking for shelter
making for shore,
many would die
as he continues to write—


VIII
SAN GIOVANNI A PATMOS


Peter Brugel, uomo di terraferma, pittore,
mio nonno, una lggenda,
una specie di dio, non venne mai a Patmos,
non vide mai ondeggiare il mare
di umanità nell'incantevole, tempestoso Egeo
ma io Jan ero là.

il suo mondo era la ricchezza di questa terra,
celebrava i riti di passaggio,
le stagioni, la vita umana,
i suoi angeli caddero ribelli.

E penso a loro,
gettati fuori dal paradiso:
Icaro, ma avrebbe anche potuto essere Dedalo,
mentre cadono dal cielo, le gambe minuscole
che sbucano dal mare,

mentre tutti continuano il loro tran tran giornaliero.
Scheletri di un esercito sconfitto
riempiono il suolo straniero.

Talvolta si godeva un giorno di tarda estate –
I suoi contadini riposano sbilenchi sotto un albero,
mentre altri mietono un campo d'oro.

Conosceva l'oscurità, la bellezza,
L'umanità fragile e precaria.

Ma c'è un uomo che scrive in una grotta –
che gurada lontano sulle acque –
acque turbolente, popolate –

barche ovunque che s'innalzano, affondano,
onde che incalzano sempre più alte,
altre persone affrontano le onde
e il cielo cambia – luce scura –
ci sono squarci di fulmine
il rumore del tuono,

ma lui continua a scrivere nella caverna –
non lo vedi, ma è là:
Con cosa scrive?
Su cosa scrive?
Cosa scrive?

Là fuori ci sono isole,
troppi nomi per citarle,
Persone in cerca di rifugio
che tentano di raggiungere la riva,
molti moriranno
mentre lui continua a scrivere –

giovedì 17 dicembre 2020

Fabrizio Ghilardi: L’identità violenta - La costruzione del nuovo umanesimo

Segnaliamo l'ultimo libro del Prof. Fabrizio Ghilardi, Presidente di CanaDiana, pubblicato da Edizioni ETS dal titolo "L’identità violenta - La costruzione del nuovo umanesimo"


La crisi della contemporaneità per tanti consegue al fatto che i fenomeni della globalizzazione attuale portano in luce gli aspetti violenti che hanno sotteso la costruzione delle civiltà, soprattutto – forse – della civiltà occidentale più di altre. Quegli aspetti in qualche modo erano stati controllati e utilizzati nelle logiche che fondavano la costruzione dello Stato moderno, ma poi i punti di riferimento entro i quali si è sviluppatala la storia dello Stato nel tempo si sono dissolti, facendo serpeggiare le incertezze di oggi che alimentano un’identità infelice potenzialmente preda di istinti violenti. Che cosa significa il nuovo umanesimo? Per molti significa l’abbandono della linearità di una evoluzione umana scandita solamente dalle logiche che l’Occidente ha imposto al mondo, ciò che comporta proseguire la validità delle idee occidentali però coniugandole insieme alle idee di altre culture, rinunciare al narcisismo delle differenze che elabora identità immaginarie, anche di fatto limitando le potenzialità umane condizionandole ai valori che nel tempo le singole culture hanno costruito, e su un terreno invece comune concepire la nuova universalità.

Fabrizio Ghilardi, professore ordinario di Storia delle relazioni internazionali ha insegnato all’Università di Pisa e all’Università del Salento. Ha tenuto corsi per conto del Ministero degli affari esteri in Argentina, in Guatemala, in Albania; conferenze in Italia, Canada, Regno Unito; Presidente di Associazione CanaDiana. Ha pubblicato, tra l’altro, L’Europa degli equilibri, Franco Angeli, Milano 1987. Le relazioni italo-canadesi 1944-1947, Edizioni ETS, Pisa 1991. Italia e Canada 1947-1951. Due esperienze a confronto, Franco Angeli, Milano 1997. Il Canada nel sistema postwestfaliano, Franco Angeli, Milano 2001. Il sistema internazionale postwestfaliano. Crisi, trasformazioni e prospettive rivoluzionarie, Franco Angeli, Milano 2007. Multilateralismo e multiculturalismo. L’esperienza canadese, Edizioni ETS, Pisa 2011, Identità, Interculturalità, Universalismi, Edizioni ETS, 2013, L’identità occidentale: crisi e prospettive di trasformazione, Edizioni ETS, 2016, Processi di globalizzazione, problemi di democrazia, Edizioni ETS, 2019.

martedì 15 dicembre 2020

Remembering Giulio Giorello

Following John Ralston Saul's tweet,


we would like to add our tribute to Giulio Giorello with a translation by Laura Ferri Forconi of his foreword to "I Bastardi di Voltaire - La Dittatura della Ragione in Occidente" / "Voltaire's Bastards - The Dictatorship of Reason in the West"

 

Ah, the halcyon days of rational liberty!

Theobald Wolfe Tone,

Irish revolutionary, 1793

1 - Rusty declares

Secrecy, raison d'état, marriage between reason and nationalism, amorality and the abolition of personal responsibility - is all this the Wonderful New World that a few centuries of applied rationalism have bestowed on us? John Ralston Saul seems to believe it is, and to convince the readers, he guides them with no hesitation into a labyrinth of structures originally envisioned to guarantee individual freedom, but ending up, instead, by erasing it. In order to explain this apparent paradox, we might draw on Agatha Christie's Sad Cypress and Scott Turow's Presumed Innocent as useful examples. The two novels belong to the crime story genre, but could rather be classified as belonging to that sub-genre to be called judiciary, because it focuses on procedures which take the defendant first to court and then, possibly, to the gallows. The protagonist of Sad Cypress disconsolately comments about the members of a court that they do not come to judge the defendants' inner natures, their characters, but to evaluate proofs of facts, and he laments that facts are a real disaster. The main character in Presumed Innocent addresses the same kind of court, saying that they do not have to reveal why there has been a crime, a victim, and suffering - after all, human beings can keep their own motives buried inside themselves - but they, as a court, should at least take the responsibility to try and ascertain what has actually happened. The two novels were respectively written in the 1930s and in the 1980s. Half a century apart from each other, they reiterate the old notion that to obscure people's character (i.e. their inner world) is the condition sine qua non for an objective knowledge of 'facts' (which constitute the outer world in which we find ourselves to act as personae, that is as masks). In Presumed Innocent there appears better awareness: proofs can indicate different directions. Members of a court may be obliged to take decisions about things that nobody seems to know or is prone to reveal. But they cannot give up. If truth cannot be discovered, what hope is there that justice will be ensured?

In Agatha Christie’s time there was always a Hercule Poirot capable of putting things straight between ascertained facts, illumined by Method and the world of life programmatically expunged by any court of Reason.

However, as we know, Poirot is dead. In his absence, Rusty, the hero full of doubts in Presumed Innocent, is the one who has to inform the reader of the circumstances according to which facts depend on interpretations. And all this brings us back to the ‘character,’ the inner nature that procedural reason pragmatically ignores. But that is the way things are. Therefore, Rusty, the alleged quester of truth, cannot but recognize himself as the officer of the only system universally accepted to distinguish injustice from reason, a bureaucrat of the good and the evil. He acts not in view of truth, but only for the stability of the structure. He says that he has a job to do  - the duty of accusing, judging, punishing has always existed; it is one of the big wheels that turn at the basis of whatever we do, and, he concludes that he does his own part.

 

2 - A Celt in the desert

Also Rusty’s mask is one of those worn by today’s technocrat, the person who regularly couples art and power, and who, in order to be able to do so, must possess an inclination towards abstract structures, combined with an aggressive personality. So writes the Author of this volume in chapter 5. But let John Ralston Saul speak for himself:

I was travelling a few years ago across the western end of the Sahara […]. We were caught early one evening by a sudden, massive downpour. The seven of us were below ground in a covered dugout camouflaged in the middle of a dry riverbed.[…] It was the first rain in several years. The water ran across the desert like a wave across a paved surface towards the lowest ground and surrounded our little mound with a rising torrent which began to flood through the small exit. I suppose I would have been trapped down there, the only six-foot-two Celt ever to drown in the middle of the Rio d’Oro. However, the old R’gibat in charge got us through the hole in time and out into a turbulent darkness […] At sunrise the next morning the barren sand was covered with sprouting plants. (Voltaire’s Bastards, p. 449)

Those who want to know more about this excursion may refer to chapter 16 where the Author invites to discover “the Virtue of Doubt.” Then, for those who come from a civilization prone to impose itself on the whole world as the (only) civilization, here is the task that any desert has to fulfill; whether it is made of the sand of the Sahara or the ice of the Arctic it has to function as the mirror of the western soul sick with reason, in the same way as the shadows in the American Wilderness reflected outside the shapes of the fears and hopes that tormented inside the 17th century Puritans, with the conflict between Sin and Grace.

Extremely archaic and seemingly rigid forms of life, excessively distant from the much-lauded flexibility of our rational schemes, are most suitable terms of comparison to evaluate the error we have made in the Western World, “by the mistaking method for content and structure for morality” and thus creating “a fatal weapon which can be used against any fair society.” (Ibid., p. 238) But all this would not have happened if we had not forged a real religion of reason more ferocious and more disastrous than the positivistic religions that it had dismantled. Saul's gaze from the desert -i.e. from a place not yet integrated into our "rational" civilization- is accompanied by a descent into the well of the past. In order to understand why a structure is not working, it is necessary to have experienced being outside, but to understand why things have developed this way, it is necessary to go down to the origin of the whole story. The Author confesses that he "approaches this seamless web almost in the manner of an archeologist, as if engaged in a dig for some forgotten civilization - the Age of Reason somehow become Unreason (Ibid., p. 26)

Let's see, then, who the Moses or the Zarathustra has been in this story.

 

3 - Working "for the king of Prussia"

In his Dictionnaire philosophique (1764), Francois Marie Arouet, better known as Voltaire, resorts to an interesting comparison. As angry dogs of the most disparate races bark, each their own way, against a beautiful horse, similarly the philosopher is ferociously attacked by the stiff Lutheran, the savage Calvinist, the proud Anglican, the fanatical Jansenist, who, even in exile and very close to the gallows, is anxious to domineer the Sorbonist who keeps dreaming of becoming a deputy in a Council. And there are all those silly poor people who accept to be guided by that lot.

However, the dogs were not completely wrong to bark. At the entry Philosophe in the Dictionnaire, Voltaire maintains that those who do not think often ask what the use of philosophy has been. His answer is that philosophy has been able to block the fury of religions and to induce heads of state to dismantle such institutions as the Inquisition. It is philosophy that tempers mores and instructs governors. But there are different kinds of philosophers and sometimes persecutions have not been out of place, quite the opposite! And reminding us that Domitian expelled the philosophers, and Lucian mocked them, Voltaire says that those monstrously exiled by Domitian were conjurers, fortune-tellers, chiromancers, miserable Jews who made love potions, talismans - all people who claimed to have a special power on evil spirits, such as the power to evoke them and make them enter girls' bodies, with magic words and signs, and to drive them away with other signs and other words. They were the dregs of the human kind: beggars, and vagabonds unable to perform any profession whatsoever.

As one of the pivotal entries in the Dictionnaire elaborated by a champion of tolerance, the item Philosophe reveals some disconcerting aspects - and it does so not only due to that expression miserable Jews, which is in itself more than sufficient to obscure the light of reason lavished over Voltaire's work. Nor can we easily get away with admitting that the Age of the Enlightenment had a dark side imputable to the spirit of the age. Apart from any cheap kind of historicism, it is worth considering that the most disquieting shadows spring from a cone of light. In Dictionnaire, the conclusive line of the item Abé sounds peremptory in there being said that those who have taken advantage of centuries of ignorance and superstition should fear the day of the triumph of reason.

But reason, to be defined as such, needs the "dregs" as a background against which to stand out. Nor is Voltaire too soft on the various kinds of "dregs"  - so we gather from the mocking praise (once again in the Philosophe), of all Jesuits, to whom God gave the grace to end up hanged or quartered at the hands of Justice.

The God who had been so dangerously close to the savage Calvinist or the fanatical Jansenist etc. has now found shelter in the vast precincts of the Newtonian space. Nor, with all due respect to Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, are we living in the best of possible worlds. But, because we are not, just for this reason, our world proves to be constantly improved through technology, whether applied to engineering (operating on material objects) or to the medical field (concerning human subjects), not to mention those particular treatments of a sick society, consisting in political and institutional reforms. Voltaire knew it well: the practice of philosophy is the teaching of moral truths. Preaching is not enough, example and action are needed.

Otherwise, as the ancients suspected, the philosopher would be only 'a lunar animal' (Cfr Vegetti), a splendid equine being from the world of ideas. With this assumption, the Author of Dictionnaire closes the cycle opened by Plato who envisioned philosophers-kings! The fact is that, in his Dictionnaire, Voltaire is, indeed, concerned with kings-philosophers. In order to be able to function, or rather "to triumph, "reason needs machines, instruments, apparatuses and extremely earthly resources: reason itself is a device, or, as John Ralston Saul likes to put it, a structure. Three cheers then to that "King of Prussia" who wrote as many books as he won battles.(Dictionnaire, p. 510 in Italian edition)

This is the price at which the reason of the Modern Age has fulfilled the promise of ancient philosophy. Voltaire seemed inclined to trust ''illumined'' governors burdened with the responsibility to rule the fate of the people. As a matter of fact, he ended up by paving the way for members of control apparatuses, for big and small government officers, for national and supranational bureaucracies - in short for all those, professors of philosophy included, who think they are officials of humanity. The reader will now begin to guess the reason for the title (of the present book): it is in the Age of the Enlightenment that we are to be seek for the roots of the "equation of freedom," i.e. "reason= structure=happiness (See especially chapter 3) What but force can ensure the efficiency of the device? And isn't force justified if it is used "for the Good" of future generations? As even a line of the International actually goes, La Raison tonne dans son cratère.  Saul would add that the consequences of this volcanic activity are there for everyone to see.

 

4 - Legitimate children or bastards

In chapter 5 of this volume, the Author says that, were Voltaire to reappear today, well, "it would be unlikely that rising technocrats anywhere would recognize in him their spiritual father." Very probably there would be a repeat of the Dostoyevsky story, in which Christ returns to Seville in the sixteenth century and the Grand Inquisitor threatens to burn him also at the stake with a hundred heretics, unless he leaves town. (Voltaire's Bastards, p. 139) Or, perhaps, bureacrats and heroes, political leaders and managers, with their chorus of 'creative' people, would just "begin to marginalize him through logical arguments designed to prove that his positions all suffer from lack of professionalism," There would be some "rational" even in this: after all professors of logic were always the favourite enemies of the author of Candide, if only for the unscrupulous use of the language and the tension of concepts about which he had shown his mastery in novels and stories.

All those 'gentlemen' are not Francois Marie Arouet's legitimate children; they are, rather, his bastards. John Ralston Saul devotes several pages, accompanied by precise footnotes, to the reconstruction of this deceitful legacy: the "Bastards" have sold to the public the fable according to which the application of reason, logics, and efficiency will lead automatically to the Good - even though their works have, instead, resulted in uncontrollable disasters. (Cfr chapter 3). Here we are not going to anticipate the whole complex design of this book - audacious, biting and provoking. Readers may find themselves prone to disagree with it: after all, it is the kind of book that never stops challenging established views and stereotypes. But let us at least mention the "catastrophe" - the unvolving of the story-and also the turning upside down of the process. (Cfr R.Thom, Parabole e Catastrofi). And let us mention the halchyon days - the seven days before and the seven days after the winter solstice. According to Greek mythology, that was the period when the legendary bird, alcyone, was believed to make its nest and the sea stayed calm: for a stormy year, those seven days were not many. Those very forces that kept the waves still, afterwards unleashed the waters in the gale.

Like others before and after him, Voltaire was the victim of a curious visual distortion: he could not firmly grasp how the optimistic expectations of reason were different from the segmented reality that was already coming through, even at his time.

 

5 - The Method between  Saint Ignatius and Descartes

At the beginning of this volume, Saul admits: "Voltaire and other thinkers of the eighteenth century could be criticized, with the facility of hindsight, for the passion with which they embraced reason." (Voltaire's Bastards, p. 5)

Year 1762: Jean Calas, a protestant shopkeeper, was executed after having been wrongly accused of the murder of his son who wanted to convert to Catholicism.

1766: A young man, Cavalier de la Barre, was sentenced to death rightly: greatly-talented, but befuddled like most of his peers called 'ill-ruled' in those days, he was accused of having sung wicked songs, and before the execution the Court had him tortured to oblige him to reveal exactly which songs he had been singing.

The very catholic France had made its choices; Voltaire did not hesitate, at personal risk, to take his own opposite decisions. The monster of persecution had a thousand lives, and not much Enlightenment was needed to realize that, but much courage, yes, was necessary to oppose them. However, not all those thousand lives could be erased. According to Saul, the easy conviction that reason is a moral force, rather than an indifferent administrative method, constitutes a "fundamental misunderstanding." But, since reason is nothing but structure, it "suits best those whose talents lie in manipulation and who have a taste for power in its purer form." (Ibid., p. 16)

With Voltaire there occurred something analogous to what had happened with the Founding Fathers of the protestant Reformation: the latter broke the unity of Christianitas and cast the basis of modern Europe. Yet, as Saul adds in this volume, the form of the future was better modeled by the opponents than by the reformers. About a century before Voltaire, René Descartes (Cartesio in Italian, 1596-1650) theorized that the discovery of truth requires a method. As Saul reminds us in chapter 3 and 5, Ignatius de Loyola (1491-1556), who went out among the people "[t]o draw them to God not through love, but through logic," (Ibid., p. 44), had already shown that the control of people's consciences needed membership in an organization endowed with a method. 'Amoral Ignatius' did not even have to wait for Descartes and his "provisional" morality - it is to be remembered, rather, that he had happened to be educated by the Jesuits.

 

6 - Re-arming the language

For every question there is an answer, but we must ask the questions that are correct, or, as Saul says, the "structured "ones." Who has the primacy in this double slogan - so central in the procedural reason, in the technocrat's logic, in the impatient rationalization of the delays of democracy and of "common sense"? The neo-positivists, Wittgenstein and his Tractatus, Voltaire or some other Enlightenment thinker? Descartes? Saul goes farther back, at least to the beginning of the Inquisition's undeniable ability to (literally) snatch truth from any defendant on trial.

"Archeologist" John Ralston Saul has, then, moved beyond Voltaire. The "raison d'état" has bent the Inquisition to its purposes and Loyola has managed to prevail both on the Inquisition and on the states, creating a "terror machine" more efficient than those he had succeeded in defeating- and, in the long run he has had more or less worthy successors, from Metternich to Kissinger. Victory went to the courtesans, those capable of castrating participation and democracy, starting with purging the language. In the great schools where they claim to form "experts" in "reforms and public services," learners are trained like this:

 [...] the applicant is instructed to attack the subjects from the high ground in order to dominate them.[...] And "reflection," in this case, means taking the time to work out the answer expected by examiners. The professors' comments on the previous year's entry exams are always printed up as a guide for new students. There the form which replies ought to take is laid out chapter and verse, sometimes down to the headings. It is a highly sophisticated game of intellectual painting by numbers.(Ibid., p. 129)

This is a kind of teaching-training which aims at dis-arming the language, depriving it of any "subversive" capacity: let all do exclusively their own parts, like Rusty (see above). But, Saul says, "one of the signs of a dying civilization is that its language breaks down into exclusive dialects which prevent communication." (Ibid., p. 110)

Yet, while techno-languages proliferate, we wonder what space is left to a person who is inclined to use the language not inside, but outside the structures, knowing that to offer concepts and negotiate their meanings helps not to close, but to open communication -"only the oddballs [extra vagantes] are capable of opposition." (Ibid., p. 246)

In this volume we read: "The new priest is the technocrat- the man who understands the organization, makes use of technology and controls access to information, which is a compendium of "facts"." (Ibid., p. 22) The Holy Trinity has been abandoned for this bureaucratic triad: What a gain! But readers might put to our Author the question that he has the candid citizen ask: "What does this person know to merit our ears"? (Ibid., p. 539)

Right. What does one know? Perhaps, once again, an old saying by Voltaire, which will be appropriated by those who really want to re-arm the language: Dieu n'est pas pour les gros bataillons, mais pour ceux qui tirent le mieux.

Giulio Giorello

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Works quoted

Bloor, D. La dimensione sociale della conoscenza. Milano: Cortina, 1994.

Barthes, R. Sade, Fourier, Loyola.Torino: Einaudi, 1997.

Bofantini, M. (a cura di) Voltaire, Dizionario filosofico. Milano: Mondadori, 1962.

Christie, A. La parola alla difesa. Milano:Mondadori, 1979

Feyerabend, P.K, Addio alla ragione, Roma: Armando, 1990.

Hill, C. Vita di Cromwell. Bari: Laterza, 1974

Lakatos, I. in Worral, J. Zahar, E. (a cura di). Dimostrazioni e Confutazioni. Milano: Feltrinelli, 1979.

Mill, J.S. Sulla Libertà. Milano: Il Saggiatore, 1981.

Petitot, J. "Per un nuovo criticismo" in L'uomo, un segno, IV, n. 2-3, 1980.

Ralston Saul, John. I bastardi di Voltaire - la dittatura della Ragione in Occidente. Milano: Bompiani, 1994. /Voltaire's Bastards -The Dictatorship of Reason in the West. Toronto: Penguin Books, 1992.

Thom, R. Parabole e Catastrofi. Milano: Il Saggiatore, 1980.

Turow, S. Presunto Innocente. Milano:Mondadori, 1991.

Vegetti, M. Il coltello e lo stilo. Milano: Il Saggiatore, 1979.



We are also sharing the video with the audio recording of Giorello's commentary on Ralston Saul's work (with some photos of the event taken by Luca Trabalzini) delivered at the Siena-Toronto Centre in November 2002.


Poet Diane Pacitti turns her gaze from England to Canada

 

A preview of the collection of poems written by our associate Diane Pacitti on behalf of CanaDiana, published on the literary magazine "Alla volta di Leucade"

Alla volta di Leucade


Diane Pacitti has recently been hosted in the following literary project:

Bradford Cathedral - Dark Angelic Mills